FIONA MACKENZIE: Is National the Red Under the Bed?
- Administrator
- May 2
- 4 min read
New Zealanders who long to see our country recover from the Labour Government’s devastation (2017-2023) and once again become a beacon of innovation and achievement have been heartened by National’s current goals: getting the books back in the black, restoring international relations, and refocusing education so that children learn to read, write and do arithmetic.
Unfortunately, some recent developments suggest a continuing of Labour’s anti-democratic agenda, as epitomised by the He Puapua manifesto. And the previous National Government is not innocent either. While dyed-in-the-wool blue supporters may not want to admit it, many separatist, anti-democratic policies were put in place by former Prime Minister John Key and his Attorney-General Chris Finlayson— “a very clever lawyer”. Among the most glaring examples of apartheid policies from their nine-year tenure were:
Entering into coalition with the separatist Māori Party, despite not needing to.
Imposing the Independent Māori Statutory Board (IMSB) on Aucklanders as part of the 2009 Super City structure—an unaccountable tribal entity that is a significant financial burden on ratepayers and a huge influence on Council operations.
Removing Crown ownership of the entire coastline and territorial seabed, making it available for Māori tribal and hapu claims—at immense taxpayer expense.
Allowing the Māori Party co-leader to secretly sign New Zealand up to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) —a move that even Labour Prime Minister Helen Clark had rejected as inappropriate for New Zealand.
Embedding the concept of co-governance into Treaty settlements, resulting in damaging or costly race-based governance structures such as the 2014 Tūpuna Maunga Authority (TMA), the 2014 Te Urewera Act, and the 2010 Waikato River Settlement Act.
Securing Finlayson’s future career as a tribal litigator taking advantage of the loose legislation he enacted while in Parliament.
Since Labour’s ousting in 2023, the National-led coalition government has been fronted by a John Key protégé—Chris Luxon—and includes another “very clever lawyer,” Minister Tama Potaka, a former Māori Party member parachuted into the National Party via the 2022 Hamilton West by-election and quickly elevated to Cabinet.
It was deeply concerning that Prime Minister Luxon said he didn’t like anything about the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill 2025—a bill designed to secure parliamentary sovereignty, citizen equality, and property rights. Even more alarming, he ruled out allowing New Zealanders to vote on these critical constitutional matters.
Adding to the disquiet is National’s continued separatist trajectory—seemingly driven by Minister Potaka, whose key portfolios include Māori Development, Whānau Ora, Conservation, and Māori Crown Relations: Te Arawhiti. National’s and Minister Potaka’s recent record includes:
Failing to stop activist judges from misapplying the 2011 Marine and Coastal Area Act.
Failing to halt Ngāi Tahu’s legal claim for control over South Island freshwater.
Supporting the Department of Conservation’s plans for ‘Modernising Conservation Land Management’, which prioritise race-based entitlements, ideologies and business opportunities—embedding discrimination and division by way of new legislation.
Endorsing Te Kawerau ā Maki’s draft Deed of Acknowledgement, which would give the tribe co-governance rights—potentially even a majority—over the extensive Waitākere Ranges Heritage Area, encompassing public land, resources, and the coast. A similar deal with Ngāti Whātua for the rest of Auckland is already in the pipeline.
Failing to stop the systemic imposition of Māoritanga, tikanga (variable and often contested Māori customs and values), and the dramatically expanded Māori language—across education (including for foreign students), the public service, and civic life.
Supporting the creation of a new parliamentary committee, led by Labour’s Adrian Rurawhe, to formally integrate tikanga Māori into parliamentary procedure.
Yet should we be surprised? Potaka may avoid scrutiny and deflect responsibility for his actions, but his intentions have been clear for years.
He has stated that National would be even more committed to “working alongside Māori”—but in ways that avoid “a centralised bureaucracy.” Regarding Māori–Crown relations, he supports state devolution, more “partnerships,” and believes Māori are entitled to “self-determination.” (Stuff, 12/4/23)
During his time at Victoria University, Potaka also authored a radical, apartheid-style paper declaring:
“More important... is the... greater control and power over resources for Māori… That action means a Treaty-driven legislative agendum focused on requiring local government authorities to comply with the Treaty in all their activities... Central government and local government need to consider sharing power with Māori, instead of hoping that Māori entitlements and demands will be satisfied with policies that effectively mainstream Māori into Pākehā society. Anything less than an increase in power for Māori would signal yet another failure in respecting the Treaty.”
— ((1999) 29 VUWLR)
A Constitutional Overthrow
The National Party’s actions speak far louder than its election slogans. New Zealanders must focus on those actions and hold the Party and the Coalition Government to account right now and at the 2026 election—if we want to live in a first world country. Under MMP, we must cast our votes only for parties that can produce real evidence of a commitment to Western democratic values—not the creeping tribal autocracy now suffocating public life and institutions.
And in the meantime, we have the Local Body elections coming up in October this year. Remember, anarchists never sleep, and Minister Potaka has made his anti-democratic intentions for local government very clear.
References
1. Tama Potaka’s Background
Studied law, politics, and Māori studies at Victoria University. He was supported by the Victoria University Foundation, Fletcher Challenge, and others to complete his degrees and pursue an LLM at Columbia Law School. He passed the New York Bar and practiced at Simpson Thacher & Bartlett.
His diverse career includes work in law, public service, education, iwi organisations, investment, and corporate governance. He held executive positions at Ngāi Tai ki Tāmaki and Tainui Group Holdings, and advisory roles at Te Puni Kōkiri, the NZ Super Fund, and Bell Gully. He has served on Anglican and Māori governance boards. Formerly of the Māori Party, he joined National to enter Parliament.
2. Sources
Fiona Mackenzie is a businesswoman who has combined self-employment with voluntary work and is a firm believer in the safeguards that true democracy provides.
This article was first published at Breaking Views
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